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20121001
20121009
Search Results 0 to 9 of about 10 (some duplicates have been removed)
now has a game control over [inaudible] has deemed a po lou assistant, danger to the environment. and co2 is the manhattan and keeps us alive. the circle of life and attempt to oppress co2 epitomizes the kind of antinature, antiimper prize spirit of the administration. it's the reason we need another supply side of the same kind we had under ronald reagan. >> would you change anything you wrote in the original "wealth and poverty." >> i would have changed quite a lot. i mean, there. all kind of detail that have changed. but i found that do try to change one thing would be to change everything. so, you know, you have in to a bunch of editorial work. instead of changing it, i essentially retained the old book and added 30,000 new words at the beginning and end. and revision of my monetary policy in the middle. and so it's a new book. but it contains the old book. >> and when you say a revights of the monetary politician. what cow do you mean by that? >> well, i fail to make clear in the original version of wealthy and poverty that i believe that stable currency. i don't believe in
many signs. the austrian accord, big supporters of the environment. think about the amount of paper that was wasted when we drafted the oslo accord. thousands of papers. but today we come and we speak with the palestinian leadership about the oslo accord, well, it is written, so what? for example, [inaudible] a holy site for jews in an in accordance to the oslo accord were supposed to go there whenever we want pray, that we cannot go there. it's not safe for jews, cannot go to date and pray at the tomb of jordan. so it is written in the oslo accords. i don't want to another accord and another ceremony at the white house. i don't believe in it. i want to get to the point where there will be real peace with real partner, and still we'll get to that point we will have to manage the conflict. i want to sum up and tell you that the book is very straight. i didn't hide, and some of my colleagues in the parliament told me, you're making a mistake because if you buy something out in the book and you are young relatively, what will happen in two years? people will go back and tell you, your
as president today getting things done with the very polarized environment? [applause] >> terrific question. it is hard to answer. part of the answer is the following. lyndon johnson became majority leader of the senate in 1955, the senate was and had been for decades -- let's put it that way -- taught to believe the same dysfunctional mess that it is today. bills couldn't get past because the power that confronted a president wasn't a party to this. wasn't republicans against democrats. it was interparty division. half of the democrats in the senate where southern democrats who were as conservative as can be imagined on civil rights and everything else and in that year, 1955, 16 great standing committees, the republicans were chairman of nine of them and senior committee post was stacked with them and subcommittees were headed buy them. they had stopped every president. no one seems to realize this but in the 25 years after the supreme court, when southern conservatives realized they and the midwestern republicans were on the same side and could control congress know president, franco low
remember going to bed hungry many nights. i was raised in an abusive environment. if i told you how i accomplished all that i did, you would ask me how. many had a determination. the reason i was able to accomplish that is because i have the blessing of being born into the greatest country in the world. and you can all applaud him not. [applause] >> the greatest country in the world, no matter where you are born, how were you are, where you come from, who your mother was, who your dad was, that you are still able to achieve the what you achieved. the reason that is is because of the people who came before me who bought and gave us that right. i think we are losing sight of that right now. i have never been as afraid for our country as i am right now. i am very afraid for our country right now. we have to hold on to the greatness that we have. let me give you a little background here. you have to know when you are a winner. while that sounds like it's self-evident, it is not. when i was with "seal team six", i thought i was winning. you know, member of an elite counterterrorism unit, y
nights before the age of 7 at which time i was adopted and raised in an abusive environment, beaten by a step that. if i gave you all that, and told you i would one day accomplish all the things i had accomplished you would say how? some people can say it is because you had a lot of determination. maybe because you had a big heart or a lot of drive. you could have all those things and still never accomplish what i have accomplished without one thing -- the reason i was able to accomplish that is i had the blessing of being born into the greatest country in the world. you can all applaud on that. greatest country in the world where no matter where you are born or how poor you are or where you come from or to your mom or dad was, you are still able to achieve what you achieve. the reason that is is because of the people who came before me who fought and gave us that right and we are losing sight of that right now. i have never been afraid for our country as i am right now. i am afraid for our country right now, but we have got to hold on to the greatness we have and i will get into ho
the political environment and the foreign policy concerns that relate to north korea. as a general rule, u.s. north korea policy follows a very similar and repetitive pattern. the provocations by the regime, missile launches, underground nuclear test or the occasional thinking of south korean boat. they are followed by threats of sanction by the international community. a lot of hand wringing. as with the child, the province of better behavior whereupon the international community comes back and provides more aid to the regime. in many respects continuing to prop up the regime. and of course, the aid that is received almost never reaches the people for whom it is delawares end. it is sei phoned off by the military. sold on the black market for hard current sei. this races several questions. i want to plant a few seeds we can come back to. four particular areas i think are worth discussing and thinking about. one is the effect, if any, of sanctions monetary sanctions on a regime like this? well, we all remember what happened about six or seven years ago when the united states froze 25 milli
become aware because i write about the environment that the stimulus included $90 billion for clean energy leveraging another $100 billion in private capital. it seems like tycos. the united states was spending billion a year on clean energy before the recovery act. in 1999 washington completely knocked president clinton's high in the sky plan to spend $6 billion for clean energy. was dead on arrival. obama got $90 billion in his first months before his staff could find bathrooms in the west wing. just ridiculous. the stimulus was pouring unprecedented rivers of cash and renewables and energy efficiency and every imaginable form, advanced biofuel and electric vehicles and cutting edge research, smarter grid, cleaner coal, factories to make that green stuff in the united states. it was by far the biggest energy bill in history. kind of got me curious what else was in the stimulus everyone was laughing about. i did some investigative reporting with a google search. i learned that the stimulus had also launched race to the top which was a real moment. have you heard of race to the top?
and all the employees could enjoy a more stable working environment. we could do that to the government, if you will. i think there's a certain amount of risk you are willing to take and you take off the workers and push it on to the equity investors, they will simply dial down the risk-taking to compensate -- you will have a general contraction or slowing of the growth rate of the economy. it's kind of a zero-sum game in that sense. >> host: although i do think most people's perspective in this country is that the risk currently faced by middle-class people who might have their labor redeployed is much greater than the risk actually being felt, faced by high earned income and vested. it's hard to disagree with it. >> guest: i think of making a moral point as opposed to an economic point. unfortunately, i don't think that risk drives up the growth rate of the economy and create jobs. >> host: actually in a way to because to some extent that risk is labor redeployment and you think that risk is sort of beholden on people that might lose their jobs can use it as an economic thousand. >> g
Search Results 0 to 9 of about 10 (some duplicates have been removed)